The Politics of Crazy at the DNC

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A Berniebot courageously resists Democratic Party oppression

After the bizarre, ranting spectacle of the GOP convention, the Democrats’ gathering in Philadelphia was a breath of fresh air. Their celebrities were actual celebrities. Their business and political leaders were actual leadership figures in the real world, not just CEOs of shady Trump businesses. They had actual former Presidents in attendance, like a credible, mainstream political party.

Democrats successfully portrayed themselves as the last remaining adults in American politics, placing a narrative frame around the 2016 that virtually guarantees a win. Viewed in comparison to the Republican Party, Democrats look solid. However, viewed in comparison to the past, the cracks become easier to spot. The Politics of Crazy is threatening the engulf the Democratic Party just a few years behind the GOP.

What really happened in 2016 is that the most prominent, popular, competent figure in the Democratic Party nearly lost the nomination to some random old grump who signed up to run on a whim. Bernie Sanders wasn’t even a Democrat until he launched his campaign and he renounced his membership when the whole charade ended. If Clinton had been challenged from the left by someone under seventy who owned a comb, she probably would have lost and this year’s DNC would have looked just like the RNC, but with more weed and much, much better entertainment.

Kanye West has already threatened/promised to run in 2020. If he isn’t distracted by something trivial out of the corner of his vision he might actually follow through. If not Yeezy, it’s entirely likely that some other half-awake celebrity might take up the mantle (paging Ms. Sarandon…). Should this happen, it’s tough to imagine how Clinton could hold them off again.

Here’s a little sample of the lunacy growing at the margins of the Democratic Party. Buckle up folks.

The left’s answer to Breitbart, Democracy Now, documented the lonely struggle of principled Berniebots against the horrors of the Democratic machine.

From the Washington Post: Paid seat-fillers, credentials stripped from principled protesters, signs ripped away, lights turned off.  These are just a few of false convention narratives that have circulated in the growing fever swamps of left-wing conspiracy nuts.

From People Magazine (that’s right, get used to it): Susan Sarandon has taken all the abuse she can stand and she “can’t stands no more.”

From The Chicago Tribune: Clarence Page describes the scene among Bernie supporters at the DNC.

From Crooks and Liars: Think crazy conspiracy theories are a right-wing problem? Sanders supporters chanted “lock her up” at the DNC.

Finally, another warning from The Politics of Crazy:

“Both of these candidates [Trump & Sanders] embody the tension between our duties as citizens and our desires as consumers. They represent our frustration with a political culture premised on collective duties next to an economic culture premised on atomized, instantaneous, individual satisfaction.”

Donald Trump, Bernie Sanders, and the Triumph of Entertainment

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Posted in Election 2016, Politics of Crazy, Uncategorized

A reformicon gets woke

Not so long ago Avik Roy was a rising star on the right. A graduate of MIT and the Yale School of Medicine, Roy wrote the only credible conservative counter-proposal to the Affordable Care Act. Along with Reihan Salam, Yuval Levin, and Josh Barro he was among the party’s “reformicons,” younger thinkers working to craft reality-based conservative policy proposals.

In that capacity Roy has advised three Republican Presidential contenders. He wrote policy proposals for the Manhattan Institute and maintained an influential blog at Forbes. Now, he has a dire message for the Republican Party.

In an interview with Vox this week he expressed his conviction that the party will probably disintegrate, torn apart by its attachment to white nationalism. His is the most candid assessment of the party’s condition that has yet been issued by an insider. Expect others to follow soon.

Needless to say, Roy’s new posture comes as a welcome relief. It’s worth looking at his assessments and comparing them to some of the ideas that have appeared here at GOPLifer over recent years. Let’s walk through some of the high points from the Vox piece and their companions from the GOPLifer blog.

“I don’t think the Republican Party and the conservative movement are capable of reforming themselves in an incremental and gradual way,” he said. “There’s going to be a disruption.”

How to End a Party

“the Republican Party has lost its right to govern, because it is driven by white nationalism rather than a true commitment to equality for all Americans.”

Can the GOP Survive as a White Nationalist Party?

“Goldwater’s nomination in 1964 was a historical disaster for the conservative movement,” Roy tells me, “because for the ensuing decades, it identified Democrats as the party of civil rights and Republicans as the party opposed to civil rights.”

Libertarianism Failed African-Americans

“The fact is, today, the Republican coalition has inherited the people who opposed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 — the Southern Democrats who are now Republicans,” Roy says. “Conservatives and Republicans have not come to terms with that problem.”

The Myth of the Southern Strategy

This, Roy believes, is where the conservative intellectual class went astray. By refusing to admit the truth about their own party, they were powerless to stop the forces that led to Donald Trump’s rise.

Why Republican Criticism of Trump Fails

Trump’s politics of aggrieved white nationalism — labeling black people criminals, Latinos rapists, and Muslims terrorists — succeeded because the party’s voting base was made up of the people who once opposed civil rights.

How the GOP is Winning Among the Poor

Sympathy for the (Blue-Eyed) Devil

“Either the disruption will come from the Republican Party representing cranky old white people and a new right-of-center party emerging in its place, or a third party will emerge, à la the Republicans emerging from the Whigs in the [1850s].”

Libertarianism for the Reality-Based Community

And finally this disturbing excerpt:

For the entire history of modern conservatism, its ideals have been wedded to and marred by white supremacism. That’s Roy’s own diagnosis, and I think it’s correct. As a result, we have literally no experience in America of a politically viable conservative movement unmoored from white supremacy

For those puzzled by the inability of American conservatives to evolve in a manner similar to the British Tories, that final quote hits home. There is no conservative movement in the US beyond a few wonky academics and their small fanbase. No such movement of any size or power has existed in the US since the Great Depression. “Conservatism” was coopted by America’s racial dead-enders, primarily in the South.

Hardly anyone alive in the US has any memory of conservatism or its concerns. That intellectual vacuum on the right is an enormous obstacle to any credible reform.

What is Conservatism?

Roy is right. The seeds of Goldwater’s bad judgment have ripened. No force remains with the power to halt the Republican Party’s descent into regional status as a party of white men. Americans interested in markets, commerce, trade, and personal liberty must look elsewhere for an organization to represent and promote our concerns.

The Missing Story of the 2014 Election

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Posted in Republican Party, Uncategorized

Link Roundup, 7/25/2016

From the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists: It looks like Chinese coal consumption has already peaked.

From the MIT Technology Review: No one knows how much oil is stockpiled around the world.

From the Verge: Nintendo shares plummet after investors realize the company doesn’t make Pokemon Go.

From Politico: Nancy Pelosi refers to Trump as “a gift that keeps on giving.”

From The Daily Dot: Canada is liberalizing its immigration policies. Hmmm…

From the GOPLifer archives: Sympathy for the (blue-eyed) devil

Excerpt: “White support for the likes of Donald Trump or Ted Cruz emerges from a terrible logic that we ignore at our peril.”

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What happens to the ‘Lifer’ blog

Leaving was never really an option. I stand by the blog’s tagline even now. There is no map to consult. Faced with choices A, B, C, and D, I’ve dropped the pencil, gotten up from the desk, and walked out. Leaving was never really option. Now I’ve done it anyway.

It has been heartening to read the messages of support. Nevertheless, this is a frustrating defeat. My personal effort to temper to party’s extremes, perhaps poorly conceived or even foolish from the outset, is now an official failure. There’s nothing left to accomplish here and no path to follow. Whatever comes next must be staked from the wilderness.

There have been achievements. Practice has turned me into a reasonably good short form writer. It may not have done the party any good, but those habits have lead to some quality communications at work. Seven years of constant research and writing have taught me a great deal. I’ve had opportunities to meet some fantastic people. And thanks to the outlet provided by the blog (which was my wife’s idea to start with), my wife doesn’t have to sit through endless political harangues.

Most of all, this blog has produced a unique little ecosystem. In the world of social media the term “comments section” has become a byword for bedlam. What you, the readers and commenters of this blog, have built here is the most remarkable achievement of these past seven years. I’ve been fascinated by what I’ve learned from the brilliant people who have made this space a home. You’ve tended this modest corner of the Internet, cultivated it, and shaped something impressive in a most unlikely environment.

Whatever comes next it should be informed by what failed and build on what worked at GOPLifer. There’s no sense in retaining a space under that title as anything other than an archive, but it will take time to make a transition. I’ve got a pretty intense day job to which I’m deeply committed. I have a very tolerant and supportive family who needs to see me on occasion. And I don’t have a clear plan yet. So the blog will be maintained for the coming months and I will be updating it.

Yesterday I took an important step, purchasing the domain name politicalorphans.com. It may not stick, but it feels right.

After a few days this wave of attention should pass and we’ll be back to the normal routine on the blog. We’ll all figure out what’s next as we go along. Leaving the party may have cut off some avenues of expression, but I won’t stop trying.

When I posted my resignation letter, Willie Nelson’s benediction seemed like a placid, conciliatory way out. It was not, however, the song that was playing in my head. Let me leave you with the anthem that won’t let me sleep.

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Resignation letter

Yesterday I resigned my position in the York Township Republican Committeemen’s Organization. Below is the letter I sent to the chairman explaining my decision.

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Chairman Cuzzone:

We come together in political parties to magnify our influence. An organized representative institution can give weight to our will in ways we could not accomplish on our own. Working with others gives us power, but at the cost of constant, calculated compromise. No two people will agree on everything. There is no moral purity in politics.

If compromise is the key to healthy politics, how does one respond when compromise descends into complicity? To preserve a sense of our personal moral accountability we must each define boundaries. For those boundaries to have meaning we must have the courage to protect them, even when the cost is high.

Almost thirty years ago as a teenager in Texas, I attended my first county Republican convention. As a college student I met a young Rick Perry, fresh from his conversion to the GOP, as he was launching his first campaign for statewide office. Through Associated Republicans of Texas I contributed and volunteered for business-friendly Republican state and local candidates.

Here in DuPage County I’ve been a precinct committeeman since 2006. Door to door I’ve canvased my precinct in support of our candidates. Trudging through snow, using a drill to break the frozen ground, I posted signs for candidates on whom I pinned my hopes for better government. Among Illinois Republicans I found an organization that seemed to embody my hopes for the party nationally. Pragmatic, sensible, and focused on solid government, it seemed like a GOP Jurassic Park, where the sensible, reliable Republicans of old still roamed the landscape.

At the national level, the delusions necessary to sustain our Cold War coalition were becoming dangerous long before Donald Trump arrived. From tax policy to climate change, we have found ourselves less at odds with philosophical rivals than with the fundamentals of math, science and objective reality.

The Iraq War, the financial meltdown, the utter failure of supply-side theory, climate denial, and our strange pursuit of theocratic legislation have all been troubling. Yet it seemed that America’s party of commerce, trade, and pragmatism might still have time to sober up. Remaining engaged in the party implied a contribution to that renaissance, an investment in hope. Donald Trump has put an end to that hope.

From his fairy-tale wall to his schoolyard bullying and his flirtation with violent racists, Donald Trump offers America a singular narrative – a tale of cowards. Fearful people, convinced of our inadequacy, trembling before a world alight with imaginary threats, crave a demagogue. Neither party has ever elevated to this level a more toxic figure, one that calls forth the darkest elements of our national character.

With three decades invested in the Republican Party, there is a powerful temptation to shrug and soldier on. Despite the bold rhetoric, we all know Trump will lose. Why throw away a great personal investment over one bad nominee? Trump is not merely a poor candidate, but an indictment of our character. Preserving a party is not a morally defensible goal if that party has lost its legitimacy.

Watching Ronald Reagan as a boy, I recall how bold it was for him to declare ‘morning again’ in America. In a country menaced by Communism and burdened by a struggling economy, the audacity of Reagan’s optimism inspired a generation.

Fast-forward to our present leadership and the nature of our dilemma is clear. I watched Paul Ryan speak at Donald Trump’s convention the way a young child watches his father march off to prison. Thousands of Republican figures that loathe Donald Trump, understand the danger he represents, and privately hope he loses, are publicly declaring their support for him. In Illinois our local and state GOP organizations, faced with a choice, have decided on complicity.

Our leaders’ compromise preserves their personal capital at our collective cost. Their refusal to dissent robs all Republicans of moral cover. Evasion and cowardice has prevailed over conscience. We are now, and shall indefinitely remain, the Party of Donald Trump.

I will not contribute my name, my work, or my character to an utterly indefensible cause. No sensible adult demands moral purity from a political party, but conscience is meaningless without constraints. A party willing to lend its collective capital to Donald Trump has entered a compromise beyond any credible threshold of legitimacy. There is no redemption in being one of the “good Nazis.”

I hereby resign my position as a York Township Republican committeeman. My thirty-year tenure as a Republican is over.

Sincerely,

Chris Ladd

Postscript – Needless to say, the response to the letter has been stunning and overwhelming. I want to express my gratitude to the people who have shared so many kind thoughts. It was my intention to reply to each of the emails I’ve received, but I was snowed under by late last night and they keep piling up.

Some of the warmest regards have come from right here in suburban Chicago. When I posted this letter I was prepared to face some anger here at home from fellow Republicans. Nothing of the kind has materialized. The only official response from the local GOP so far has been support, for which I am immensely grateful. It gives me hope. We may all come out of this debacle in better condition.

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Posted in Election 2016, Republican Party, Uncategorized

From Strom Thurmond to Donald Trump: How the GOP Rose and Fell

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Strom Thurmond and his running mate Fielding Wright, nominees of the Dixiecrat Party in 1948

On Tuesday, the Party of Lincoln nominated for President a reality TV star with no government experience or policy platform who has been enthusiastically endorsed by the KKK and other white nationalist groups. Though an extreme outcome, this is not a departure. Republicans have been on this road for a long time. As this “Lifer” exits the party it’s worth taking a moment to reflect on the journey that led us to this miserable place.

Perhaps the best starting point is Truman’s 1948 executive order desegregating the military. That move sparked a third-party challenge from Democratic Senator Strom Thurmond, which would blossom over time into a shift among Southerners toward the GOP. A glance at Thurmond’s speech accepting the Dixiecrats’ nomination in Houston reveals a style and themes that persist today among the Tea Party.

The First Tea Party Speech

In 1964, Republican Presidential nominee Barry Goldwater pushed the GOP away from its traditional role as a proponent of Civil Rights legislation. Breaking from the rest of the party, Goldwater took a “principled” stand in opposition to the passage of the Civil Rights Acts on libertarian grounds. This was the beginning of a strange relationship between so-called libertarians and the counter-civil rights movement. Nixon in 1960 won a third of black votes. Goldwater earned 6%.

How Libertarianism Failed African Americans

The Tension Between Civil Rights and Limited Government

After Jim Crow was dismantled it took time for the counter-civil rights movement to find its feet. When they did, they would be standing under a new banner, cloaking their concerns behind new ‘culture war’ rhetoric.

Years later as the movement gained momentum analysts would point to the Supreme Court’s decision in Roe v Wade as the spark that launched the religious right. That simply isn’t the case. Protestant religious conservatives who would form the backbone of the religious right were largely disinterested in abortion in the years after Roe v Wade.

How Protestant Evangelicals Shifted Their Abortion Stance

Southern conservatives defeated by the Civil Rights movement found a way back to power not through abortion activism, but thanks to a very different issue. In 1978 the Carter Administration signaled their intention to use federal power to desegregate the religious schools set up to evade busing. It was private school desegregation that would inspire Jerry Falwell and Paul Weyrich to found The Moral Majority in 1979. Abortion, porn, school prayer, and other “culture” issues became the lever behind which the losers in the battle over Jim Crow could push their way back into power.

Southern Baptists and Southern Politics

These Southerners, having lost their influence in the Democratic Party, found an empty Republican infrastructure in the South ripe for takeover. Nixon often gets undeserved credit for a “southern strategy” that swung the South toward the GOP, but he accomplished almost nothing on the ground. It was the organized, passionate work of the Moral Majority and similar culture warriors that later succeeded in building a Republican infrastructure in the South.

Myths and Realities of the Southern Strategy

New Republican converts were markedly more conservative than the Republicans who occupied positions of authority in the party. As early as the first years of the Reagan Administration this sparked tensions, as Jerry Falwell expressed frustration over the way Reagan officials treated religious activists.

Throughout the Reagan and Bush I years, the culture warriors would remain an eccentric fringe of the GOP. Reagan tolerated them, but kept his distance. He pointedly refused to make in-person appearances at anti-abortion events. Religious Right activists and the Dixiecrats who rallied around them were treated as useful idiots. All the while though, they were building influence on the ground in formerly Democratic Southern states.

In 1989, Al Gore’s campaign chairman in Texas would switch to the GOP to run for Agriculture Commissioner. Rick Perry would ride this eccentric fringe to the longest Gubernatorial career in Texas history.

With the 1994 wave election, those political oddballs were swept into positions of real power all up and down the ballot.

The Stockman Effect

Across the 90’s reform Republicans like Jack Kemp found themselves battling the Jesse Helms and Pat Robertson wings of the party and steadily losing ground.

My Favorite Republican

As the party grew more conservative and white, Republicans in urban areas and the North began peeling away. Just five years after Rick Perry switched to the GOP, Republican Elizabeth Warren became a Democrat.

The late 80’s and early 90’s also saw the rise of right-wing media. Led initially by characters like Morton Downey, other figures like Ann Coulter and Rush Limbaugh pioneered a new form of political entertainment.

Ann Coulter is the Andy Kaufman of Politics

Fact free, obnoxious, and catering to their audiences’ cherished paranoia, they radicalized a slice of the white electorate frightened by their own perceived decline. With the arrival of Fox News, they would manufacture a media bubble that left America’s political right utterly dissociated from fact-based decision-making and insulated from the consequences of their intensifying extremism.

Why the Right Has Such Lousy Information

Blueprint for Republican Reform: Pundits

Running beneath these trends like water flowing underground was the decline of America’s social capital institutions. Their weakness, described in The Politics of Crazy, stripped the country of critical filters that once acted to mediate our political climate and squelch the influence of extremists.

The Politics of Crazy

With the election of George W. Bush, Kemp’s influence was entirely eclipsed. Religious kooks and racial dead-enders were ascendant. Whatever dissenting voices remained inside the GOP were either disciplined into compliance or dispatched to the outskirts. Figures like Bruce Bartlett and David Frum lost their jobs and were hounded out of the party. Political purges and a propaganda-driven media infrastructure meant no reasoned voices could be heard.

Rebuilding the GOP: Think Tanks

Unsurprisingly, the Second Bush Administration was an unmitigated catastrophe, starting with a disastrous war and culminating in a shattering economic collapse. John McCain who had challenged Bush in 2000 as a reformer, made a successful run for the 2008 nomination. Despite the difficulty of following the second George Bush, he might have won had he not been pressed into picking Sarah Palin as his running mate. Palin was a dimwitted amateur who weighed down the campaign with gaffes and erratic behavior.

McCain lost and faded from influence. Palin, erratic, incoherent, and telegenic, became the poster child for a new era of unchecked right-wing stupidity defined and promoted by the Tea Party. Rocked by the disasters of the Bush presidency and robbed of any credible leadership the GOP had no means to fend off an insurgency. An astro-turfing project sponsored originally by one of the Koch Brothers’ organizations, the Tea Party was a monster that immediately turned on its handlers.

Since the Moral Majority, Republicans had been animating voters with coded appeals to racism. The rise of the Tea Party replaced an era of coded racism with a shift toward open racism. As the movement grew more powerful and extreme, it pushed the GOP toward an unprecedented white nationalism.

Can the GOP Survive as a White Nationalist Party?

By the summer of 2012 it was clear that the GOP was consolidating around a shrinking white, Southern base. Former Republican strongholds in California, Illinois, Pennsylvania, and Connecticut had collapsed.

The Republican Dilemma on a Map

With Romney’s defeat came another, less noticed landmark. After the 2012 Elections, Republicans for the first time in our history held none of the mayor’s offices in the nation’s 10 largest cities.

Republicans Should Not Surrender the Cities

A Republican coalition once-centered around commerce, trade, and urban professionals was developing into an unrecognizable party of lower-income rural whites, mostly in the South.

How the GOP is Winning Among the Poor

This emerging party of the New South was borrowing a disturbing portion of its appeal from the Old South. As racist rhetoric became more overt during Obama’s second term, it became impossible to maintain even the most minimal outreach to minority communities.

Republican Minority Outreach Will Not be Easy

No one on either side of the aisle has shown any willingness yet to grapple with the tangible impact of pluralism on lower income white voters. That alienation, combined with a complete lack of a vision for the future, has fed a drift toward political extremism in middle America.

White Supremacy and the Shadow Welfare State

Results from the 2014 Election, touted as a Republican success story, demonstrated the party’s demographic collapse. All capacity to compete outside a hyper-conservative base in the South and rural west had disappeared. Inside the red states Republicans consolidated their hold. Everywhere else our capacity to remain relevant had ended. The White House was now permanently out of reach. The force that holds a party together in our system had vanished from Republican politics.

The Missing Story of the 2014 Election

Into this maelstrom marches a bigoted reality TV star with a lot of money. He swept through the 2016 primaries by rejecting the racist dog-whistle in favor of a racist bullhorn. No one could lay a glove on him, because Republicans are not allowed to talk about or acknowledge racism.

Why Republican Criticism of Trump Fails

This is now Donald Trump’s party. As such it is officially a party of white nationalists. His inevitable defeat in the fall won’t change the party’s orientation in the slightest. There is only one route back to relevance and that involves grappling with the party’s relationship to race. It will not be easy and frankly, it probably will not happen. For the first time more than 150 years one of our two parties may disappear from the national stage.

Whatever entity comes to occupy the space vacated by the modern GOP, it will have to find a successful response to America’s core racial dilemmas:

Middle Class Life in 1957

Race and the ‘Middle Class’

Sympathy for the (blue-eyed) Devil

Why I Live in a White Neighborhood

Reagan was able to assemble an unlikely coalition of commercial interests, Dixiecrats, and Northern blue collar voters on the strength of a single appeal – A radical new approach to fighting the Cold War. That’s the only interest that held these people together. When the Soviet Union collapsed, with it collapsed the logic beneath the Republican coalition. A quarter of a century later we have still not found a reason to exist in this new world. Our time appears to have run out.

Looking to the future, there is hope and there are challenges. The GOP as we know it is probably finished, but there are opportunities to rebuild from the wreckage.

America’s Parliamentary Future

Launching an Urban Republican Rebellion

Along with race, a new political movement will be asked to grapple with the demands of a changing economy and a shrinking world.

Beyond Jobs

With so many amazing improvements to our lives emerging from beyond the reach of government, it can be tempting to imagine that political dysfunction doesn’t matter. We shouldn’t be complacent.

A Warning From Flint

And in case Democrats are tempted to gloat, here’s a warning. The same cultural forces, described in The Politics of Crazy, that fed the demise of the GOP are nipping at your heels. Get ready for the rise of your own crazy politics.

Democratic Denial and the Politics of Crazy

Despite these frustrations, America today is more prosperous and powerful than it has ever been and our future remains bright.

A Golden Age

 

 

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Posted in Election 2016, Republican Party, Uncategorized

A True Son of the Alamo

Crockett“We’re fighting — not for one particular candidate or one campaign — but because each of us wants to be able to tell our kids and grandkids…that we did our best for their future, and for our country.”
– Ted Cruz

No major Republican leadership figure wants to see Donald Trump in the White House. Nevertheless, with only a handful of exceptions (most notably and honorably – John Kasich and Jeb Bush), they have either equivocated, lied, or skulked around the fringes of this humiliating circus of a convention trying to avoid being either too close or too far away from Cheeto Jesus.

Paul Ryan evaded an endorsement for weeks, then folded up his conscience, packed it away with the last tattered shreds of his dignity, and stood on stage at the convention to lead the nominating process. Marco Rubio has vacillated like a scared child, still not taking a definable position. The most sickening feature of this tawdry reality show has been the spectacle of grown men who imagine themselves powerful cowering in fear of a ridiculous bully.

Then Ted Cruz got on stage and exposed them all as a bunch of bed-wetting cowards. Like a true son of the Alamo, that unlovable bastard stood up there alone before a hostile crowd and delivered an uncompromising defense of his beliefs. He didn’t hide behind the teleprompter. He didn’t look away. He grinned that smarmy grin right at the New York delegation and told them where to shove it.

Cruz is not stupid. His move may channel the defiance of the Alamo, but it carries the strategic logic of San Jacinto. Commentators can tut all they want about the damage they think he’s done to his career. No modern nominee has won a smaller percentage of the primary vote. Ted Cruz just gave voice to the 55% of Republican primary voters who rejected Donald Trump and have been cringing through each night of this miserable Third World spectacle.

Five months from now everyone who wants to remain active in politics will be spinning their 2016 sound-bites into proof that they opposed Donald Trump. Everyone will have a story about the daring missions they carried out for the underground. Guess who will have proof that will shame them all.

If there is still a Republican Party next year, it will be Ted Cruz, not Paul Ryan, who leads it.

Tonight I find myself cheering for Ted Cruz, a frightening religious bigot for whom I would never cast a vote. November will find me stifling the urge to puke while casting my vote for a Clinton. Irony is overflowing everywhere, spilling over into muddy puddles of the absurd. Nevermind all that. Tonight I’m proud of Texas. I am proud that we produce the kind of defiant, spiteful, unbreakable courage that my political opponent displayed. The Lone Star State didn’t let me down. God bless Texas.

Posted in Uncategorized

Gonzo Republican Convention

robert costa twitterRepublicans yesterday took our first big step toward Making America a Banana Republic Again by launching a national party convention made for daytime TV. There was only one achievement worth noting – we got through a whole day and no one has been assaulted. Threatened, yes, but actually assaulted, not quite yet. Since these people never deliver on a promise, threats don’t really count.

Some notable events:

A soap opera actor speaking from the main stage contrasted Trump with Obama by explaining that Trump is someone who “shares my faith.” Afterward he explained that cryptic line by claiming that Obama is a Muslim.

Convention leadership steamrolled past a valid parliamentary motion to force a floor vote on the convention rules.

Colorado and Iowa delegations walked out after organizers ignored their petition for a floor vote. Both have returned, but hinted that more is coming.

There are 17 black delegates to the RNC. That’s 17 out of 2472. You have go deep back into the Jim Crow Era to find a major party convention with less minority participation. In 2004 African-Americans were almost 7% of the RNC’s delegate pool.

On a TV news panel, Iowa Republican Rep. Steve King went full racist, questioning whether any of “these sub-groups” had made contributions that compare to white Americans.

Somebody punked Melania Trump in an ugly way, inserting a couple of paragraphs lifted almost verbatim from Michelle Obama’s 2008 DNC speech. This could have been passed off for what it was, a nasty prank by a speechwriter who has presumably now fled to Ecuador. Frankly, the whole thing might have made her seem more human and sympathetic. However the StormTrumpers, being a tribe of ugly trolls, have instead deflected, lied, contorted, and then lashed out, making this stupid low-rent incident the defining moment of day one. Incompetence magnified.

The building was largely empty for much of the night. The only semi-serious political figure slated to speak on Monday, Iowa Sen. Jodi Ernst, was relegated to a late spot addressing an abandoned convention hall.

Tonight Paul Ryan is supposed to preside over a state-by-state roll call to nominate Donald Trump. It’s the only event of the week that might be interesting in an un-ironic way.

This is a good time to revisit the collapse of the predecessor to the GOP, the Whigs. Here’s a review of the Whig’s last convention as a competitive party, in 1852.

Posted in Uncategorized

Link Roundup, 7/16/2016

From the LA Times: A full list of scheduled main stage speakers at the Trump convention. The list includes two soap opera actors, an obscure musician, a pro golfer, and the president of the UFC. Oh, and a black guy. They managed to get a black guy. So there’s no racism.

From the New York Times: Tim Tebow is the first of Trump’s C-list celebrities to pull his name from the above list.

From Politico: The RNC asked Sheldon Adelson to cover the $6m hole in the convention budget left by corporate walkouts.

From The Atlantic: Senator Tim Scott’s remarkably candid remarks about his experiences with capitol police have the potential to be game-changing. Are Republicans ready to listen?

From The Atlantic: More research is backing up the thesis of that old ‘gateway jobs’ post. Anyone who starts their career in one of the bottom-earning tiers is extremely unlikely ever to move up. Not every job is a ‘gateway job.’

From the GOPLifer archives: The Cruel Myth of the Gateway Job.

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Beyond jobs

workplace

The modern workplace

Does capitalism, with its accompanying technological disruptions, create more jobs than it destroys?

Conventional wisdom says unequivocally “yes.” Each new wave of innovation eventually brings new jobs in number and value far greater than those it displaces. Telegraph readers become telephone operators become call center representatives. No need to fret over, or more to the point – adapt around – changes to the workforce wrought by technology because new employment will magically replace the old. What has been always shall be.

Policy-makers and the public at large may be missing a massive transformation unfolding right beneath our feet because we are looking at the wrong data. Has capitalism always created an ever-expanding pool of jobs? Not exactly. Will it create enough new jobs in the future to support a social model based on mass employment? Almost certainly not.

Two logical flaws contribute to our myth of capitalist job creation. First, we conflate “jobs” with “work.” They are not the same thing. Capitalism invented the concept of a job while steadily and relentlessly eliminating work. Mass employment is itself an innovation developed by capitalism. As technical sophistication advances, the work we replace becomes more sophisticated. This process eventually eats into job creation, as even the most uniquely human of work processes becomes vulnerable to automation.

We have already entered an era of declining employment that has been overlooked for decades. The decline in new job creation is only cushioned today by our tolerance for low wages, fueling the growth of easily replaceable employment in low-skilled service jobs. The end of mass employment as a social force is already well-advanced. Though it poses a social challenge, it a promising development for cultures with the agility to adapt.

Capitalism, and the technical innovations it spawns, incrementally replaces returns on toil with returns on capital. In other words, capitalism delivers accelerating value by relentlessly eliminating work. In its early stages it created jobs where none existed before. Extend the process of eliminating work across a long enough time frame, and jobs begin to disappear as well.

Richard Arkwright’s water frame could simultaneously spin 128 threads. It could operate 24 hours a day, stopping only for intermittent repairs and resupply. By comparison, that work was previously performed as a cottage industry by skilled weavers who usually also engaged in other work. In the course of a full day working, a weaver might be able to accomplish six to eight hours of weaving, between cooking, cleaning, child care, farm labor, and so on. Workers were sometimes assembled into factories, but those factories were little more than a lot of people in the same place weaving by methods similar to cottagers. Cottagers performed work, but they did not have “jobs.”

A single day of operation by one of Arkwright’s early machines in the 1770’s could easily replace the work of a thousand cottagers. His first mill was five stories with several dozen machines. It employed about 200 workers, almost all of them children. It rendered the work of thousands of people redundant, but created 200 jobs where no formal employment had previously existed.

Downstream from the factories, new jobs would over time emerge in mercantile stores, distribution, machine assembly, factory management, business accounting, banking and other previously unheard of roles. Those new jobs would be far more lucrative and humane than the endless toil of farm or mine labor that had existed before. They would not, however, require anything approaching the amount of human work previously necessary. Conversion of endless subsistence labor to “employment” in a “job” would lead to a long term, though still temporary rise in the number of people engaged in formal employment as capitalism and innovation continued to replace human labor at a steadily accelerating pace.

As we eliminated work, we created entire new social institutions. With families freed from the endless drudgery of farm labor and cottaging, women started to become, for the first time in history, homemakers. As the elimination of work progressed, demand for (a social tolerance of) child labor declined. In the farm economy that dominated economic life in the 19th century, only a rare few women or children avoided dawn to dusk toil for subsistence. By 1920, only 21% of women were “gainfully employed.”

By the second half of the 19th century we began to imagine childhood as a promising development phase rather than just a period of dimmed human usefulness. In 1910 only 20% of American children were employed. That number dropped by more than half over the next decade. By the time the US finally outlawed child labor in 1938 it had already ceased to be economically relevant. We had eliminated so much work that children had been freed from labor. This pool of children no longer forced into mines or fields could develop themselves, preparing to perform higher value work later in life. The replacement of work created the nuclear family, childhood, mass education, retirement, and a knowledge economy.

Eliminating work gradually made the remaining jobs more and more lucrative. If we look closely, this process is evident in our employment and pay statistics. Our employment to population ratio peaked along with industrialization. As a moving average, that ratio remained flat for decades until it began a temporary rise in the late 1970’s. What happened then? At a social and political level we had, for the first time in our history, begun to allow women and minorities to participate in the workforce on more or less equal terms with white males.

Women had been sidelined from work starting in the 19th century. Along with Blacks, Hispanics and other minorities they had been marginalized in order to preserve the most lucrative of the emerging job opportunities for white men. By the 70’s both groups were gaining new access to the workforce.

For the next twenty-five years we saw a surge in the number of people participating in the workforce. It should come as no surprise that the entry of new workers into an already weakening jobs environment led to stalled wage growth.

By the late 90’s the moving average for employment to population plateaued. It has been declining ever since. Overall, liberalizing workforce participation and integrating the southern states into the national economy led to about a 9% temporary increase in the moving average for employment, which eventually settled back to about a two-percentage point increase, from which it has resumed its long term decline.

Statistical noise from the liberalization of the workforce in the late 20th century can be eliminated by examining workforce participation by the only group of people who had full access to the workforce– white males. The employment to population ratio for white males has been in decline for as long as we have measured it. In fact, it has dropped by almost a quarter over the past sixty years. The pace of the decline was fairly steady until the 90’s. Since then the rate of decline in employment to population for white males has doubled.

The numbers tell the tale. Capitalism is not creating new jobs. It hasn’t done so for a very long time. Capitalism is not an engine of job creation. Capitalism is an engine for generating returns to capital. Capitalism invented the concept of a “job” to solve a problem being experienced at a certain stage of industrial development. There is no reason to think that mass employment could not be innovated away as easily as the horse-drawn wagon. As automation and machine learning begin to cut into our demand for skilled human work, we can expect a new phase to emerge. The age of mass employment is coming to an end.

For generations we have cushioned the impact of technical innovation with social adaptations like the nuclear family, a 40-hour work-week, child labor laws, retirement, and the welfare state. As capitalism grows and its impact accelerates, our social evolution must keep pace. Our next step is probably some form of basic income, but more is needed.

A basic income would replace our economic dependence on mass employment, but it would do nothing to transform the social role of employment. Continuing to develop the power of innovation while easing its social impact will require us to rethink of the role of work and employment in our basic values.

A social order that gradually evolved around the concept of formal employment must evolve or be rendered irrelevant. Worse, it may become unstable. Those who want to slow or halt this process are missing the point. Eliminating work may eliminate jobs, but it does so by creating enormous new wealth. Halting that process may keep someone employed, but it also keeps all of us poorer. A vastly higher percentage of people were working far more hours in 1880 than are today. The replacement of that labor was a value to humanity. We want that process to continue.

Our challenge is not to stop people from losing jobs. Our challenge is to build a social framework that allows us to assign the rewards from innovation in a just manner without mass employment. Up to now we have granted nearly all of the value from new innovation to the people who perform the jobs in those field, or the people whose capital funded the effort. Value, not just in terms of income, but also in terms of status, respect, even health insurance, is distributed (mostly) via jobs. With far more value being created now by new, relatively jobless institutions, we need a new way to assign the value from that economy.

This is a matter than deserves far more thought and consideration. Needless to say, the Luddites railing against trade and innovation are contributing no more to this discussion than those who ignore the problem altogether.

How would you create value from your life if a job were no longer an option? Though it sounds revolutionary, our ancestors have been down a similar road. We already solved this problem when we set children loose from toil. We solved this problem when we allowed people to retire from jobs at an advanced age. Precedents are available to guide us.

Are we ready to replace “get a job” with “get a life?”

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