Will Ohio Republicans Tell the Tea Party to F-Off?

The Tea Party’s increasingly acrimonious battle with Ohio Republican Governor Rob Portman is gaining attention, but it’s still not as nasty as it needs to be. So far, Tea Party groups are the only ones taking shots. Here’s their beef with Portman, from the Daily Beast:

To hear Tea Partiers tell it, the trouble reached a crescendo in the spring, when Gov. Kasich installed an ally, Matt Borges, as executive director of the Ohio GOP over Tom Zawistowski, a local Tea Party leader. “The leaders of the Republican Party in Ohio have chosen to separate themselves and the party from the wishes and values of their support base,” Zawistowski said in a statement signed by more than 70 conservative leaders from around the state. “With this letter we put the party bosses on notice that we reject their betrayal of the party platform and our conservative values. We will not support them going forward but will instead support those who are true to our cause.

His move on the Medicaid expansion could save the state $4 billion by 2025 and expand coverage for 300,000 Ohioans. It also has brought him warm profiles in such outlets as The Wall Street Journal, which suggested that Kasich’s approach could “rebrand the Republican Party by refashioning what it means to be a conservative in the 21st century.” But for conservatives, the expansion has brought nothing but anger, not least because Kasich has defended his actions in biblical, moralistic terms, describing the move as something demanded by his Christian faith.

“In our Bible, compassion means the money comes from you,” Zawistowski told The Daily Beast. “Medicaid is for single women with children and for the elderly, for people who can’t work. What they are calling Medicaid expansion is health insurance for people who don’t want to work. You are not expanding Medicaid. This is a whole new program and it is with borrowed money.”

Portman could pretty much guarantee himself a Chris Christie-style re-election landslide if he’d just go on TV and the Tea Party to f-off, but very few Republicans have that kind of moxie. Until they do, guys like Portman will continue to struggle and the party will keep losing ground.

Posted in Uncategorized

What ever happened to the Amero?

ameroRemember when the dollar was about to be replaced by the Amero?

For a couple of years starting around 2005, the secret emergence of the Amero as a unified currency for the US, Canada, and Mexico was one of the top concerns of the far right. According to sources in “the global community,” the US government was negotiating secretly with its neighbors to replace the dollar and, in the process, end US sovereignty with a broad-based North American Union.

In case you were skeptical, the email forward which bore this terrifying insight included irrefutable proof – an image of the new one-Amero coin. According to the missive, the US government was buying billions of these things from a Chinese manufacturer in preparation for the New World Order. The concept was debunked fairly early by Snopes, but facts are for liberals.

So who believed this crap? Some of the same Tea Party friends and family who have been burying you with Facebook posts about Obama’s lavish vacations were pretty heated up over the Amero. For a while, it was the conspiracy du jour of the right.

Back before Jerome Corsi at WND was a birther, he was warning patriots about the Amero. Republican Congressmen Tom Tancredo and Virgil Goode introduced legislation in 2006 aimed at blocking union with Mexico and Canada. Glenn Beck hosted an Amero-enthusiast in the fall of 2007 and the threat of a trans-national currency union remained a steady theme on his chalkboard of doom for several years.

Mitt Romney faced Amero questions in town hall meetings. CNBC interviewed a financial analyst who claimed that the Amero should be influencing investment plans. That analyst mentioned that “the Texans” were pretty upset about the Amero. He was right.

Amero fever helped kill the only half-decent idea Texas Gov. Rick Perry ever had. Responding to Texas’ growing transportation infrastructure nightmares, Perry proposed a plan to build a network of corridors consisting of toll roads, rail and other infrastructure. The plan suffered from a lot of weaknesses, but absent the hysterical fears of a “North American Union” those weaknesses could have been remedied.

So what was the Amero, really? Like almost every issue dredged from the far right fever swamps the Amero controversy was based on a real thing, taken out of context, and embellished by lies. The word itself comes from a paper written by a Canadian professor in 1999. The coins were minted on a lark by a medallion-maker named Daniel Carr. You can still purchase one online. They may still be a more reliable investment than bitcoins.

Looking back now, while America groans under the tyrannical, Sharia-based, totalitarian rule of our Kenyan Muslim Overlord, concerns from the last decade seem downright quaint. Back in those days, a white man could still dream of becoming President. Our troops were winning a glorious war in Iraq. Your insurance company still possessed the God-given freedom to cancel your coverage because you got sick. It was a more innocent time.

Currency union never happened because it was never more than a far right fantasy. The Amero hysteria took its toll, but no one was ever accountable. In the conservative movement now the only sin is dissent. There are no penalties for being wrong no matter how serious the damage. From Fast and Furious to Benghazi to unskewed polls and the persistent fascination with hyper-inflation, the last few years have brought a plague of idiotic failed predictions and over-hyped scandals that peel back to reveal nothing.

Our addiction to the giddy thrill of paranoia has crippled the American right, leaving us incapable of governing. There can be no long term survival for the Republican Party without a willingness to engage difficult problems on the basis of facts. No effort to improve GOP fortunes can deliver results until we confront the conspiracy theorists and hacks scrambling conservative politics. The Amero takes its place among the collection of dumb conspiracy theories that eventually faded away, but it should not be forgotten.

Remember the Amero.

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Posted in Tea Party, Texas

Republicans are haunted by The Stockman Effect

Sen. John Cornyn has built a successful career surfing the fickle tides of the far right nutjob fringe. That’s a remarkable challenge for a polished, well-educated, relatively sane guy who has seen a lot of the world. Cornyn’s talents were on display this fall as he used some savvy politicking to dodge a Cruz-style primary challenge from the right.

Fundamentalist icon David Barton and Texas’ dumbest Congressman Louis Gohmert both backed away from Tea Party efforts to draft them into a primary against Cornyn. The way looked clear for the senator to keep his substantial campaign war chest and focus his efforts next year on the GOP’s wider national efforts to retake the Senate.

Then Steve Stockman showed up. Again.

Stockman is the perfect symbol of the mess Republicans have built for themselves. His challenge to Cornyn is unlikely to succeed, but just by showing up, off-script, off-message, and off his meds, Stockman will put GOP dysfunction in the national spotlight at the worst possible time.

The story of how Stockman arrived in this position is part of the wider story of the Republican Party’s decline. Understanding The Stockman Effect helps explain the existential challenge facing the party and the internal fight necessary to save it.

The Stockman Effect is the veneer of credibility and the outsized influenced acquired by the bizarre cast of characters who rocketed suddenly and surprisingly into office in the ’94 wave election. Many of them found themselves transformed from local religious weirdo to “The Honorable Local Religious Weirdo” literally overnight thanks to the unexpected national Republican victory in the ’94 mid-terms. Their elevation skewed the balance of local Republican politics away from its traditional commercial focus toward conspiracy, religious paranoia and racism in ways that the party has still not successfully addressed.

I watched this happen in real time.

In 1995, I was a young law intern at the Harris County DA’s office in Houston. I earned an assignment in a District Court presided over by one of the surprise victors in the ’94 election. Judge Ernest T. Looney was an entertaining spectacle (not using real name – he’s dead, so he can’t defend himself).

Almost anyone who was serious about serving their community as an elected public official in Houston in 1994 campaigned for the Democratic nomination. Since the passage of the Civil Rights Acts in the mid-60’s, more and more Texans had been voting for Republicans for federal offices, but the grassroots infrastructure had been slow to catch up to the top-of-the ballot trend.

Exceptions, like the iconic Republican Judge Ted Poe, had earned their position through appointments by Republican Governor Bill Clements. Republican primaries for down-ballot offices were a magnet for local weirdoes who no one took seriously because they couldn’t possibly win.

Even prior to the Great Dixiecratic Wave there were some Republicans in Houston. The leadership tier was dominated by pragmatic commercial interests. Many of them, like the Bushes, were imported Yankees bringing a variety of Hamiltonian Republicanism otherwise unknown in the South. They were augmented by a thin layer of strident anti-Communists and religious fundamentalists. The party had a meaningful presence, but they had a very weak grassroots infrastructure.

Through the ‘70’s and ‘80’s the traditional Republicans were gradually augmented by a new influx of Dixiecrat refugees who bore little in common with the business class Republican establishment. There was constant tension which peaked during the first Bush Administration. In 1992, fundamentalist activist Steven Hotze organized local religious extremists and took control of the Harris County Republican Party in an ugly standoff, permanently relegating the business wing of the local party to subservient status. Still, no one saw ’94 coming.

Like Steve Stockman, Ernest T. Looney was a default candidate in a race no one was taking seriously. Looney ran unopposed in the Republican Primary in 1994 for an office few people wanted and hardly anyone cared about.

Thanks to national forces that had nothing to do with their specific races, Steve Stockman, Ernest T. Looney, and innumerable other “Republican” default candidates in 1994 found themselves elected to office. This power shift meant that crude local sideshow acts like Terry Lowry and Gary Pollan became kingmakers that no one could afford to ignore.

Judge Looney’s courtroom was a raucous and entertaining disaster. Looney interrupted trials with barely coherent rants against the District Attorney, the ATF, and whatever other public figures or current events had attracted his wandering attention. He was unpredictable and untroubled by the needless constraints of legal precedent. Judge Looney and many of the other surprise local winners in ‘94 delivered a little slice of havoc to public service in Harris County.

Similar to Judge Looney, Stockman was a product of the GOP’s emerging mimeograph-newsletter wing, a conspiracy nut with close ties to the militia movement who had not long before been homeless and living in his car. Like Judge Looney, Stockman would be tossed out of office once serious local figures realized that they could run successfully as Republicans.

Stockman did not, however, go away. His lingering impact on the Republican Party forms the basis of The Stockman Effect. When a local weirdo acquires the ability to sign his paranoid newsletter as a former officeholder, he acquires a new sheen, a new set of connections, and a heightened ability to steer local politics.

Stockman’s chief of staff became the Executive Director of the Texas Republican Party. His wife would be a national convention delegate. And across the South wacky figures like Stockman and Judge Looney would take on new credibility as current or former elected officials tipped the balance of power further and further away from the party’s sober traditionalists. Stockman lingered around the GOP right wing like the last guy at the bar until the Tea Party gave him his opportunity to ride back to Washington as a Congressman in 2012.

Though Cornyn’s poll numbers are very weak for an incumbent, it is unlikely that Stockman will do to Cornyn what Cruz did to David Dewhurst. Cruz may be a modern day Confederate, but he’s also a politically calculating Ivy Leaguer who knows which fork to use.

Stockman, on the other hand, is a walking disaster. He has earned his place in the political world as an opportunist with a talent for the political grift who is probably incapable of managing the most basic mechanics of a campaign on that scale. Stockman makes Ted Cruz look like a credible leadership figure.

The Stockman Effect means that Cornyn and the national GOP will continue to be pushed toward the most ludicrous extremes by cartoon characters who gained their power from the institutional, grassroots weaknesses of the Republican Party. Until serious figures in the GOP gin up the courage to deal with the rot in the party, The Stockman Effect will continue to erode the party’s effectiveness and complicate efforts to maintain national relevance.

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Posted in Neo-Confederate, Republican Party, Tea Party, Texas, Uncategorized

Sen. Cruz knows his audience and they write in crayon

When I first saw that Ted Cruz had released a coloring book I thought it was a joke. After further inspection, it is still a joke, just not the satirical one I was expecting.

From the Amazon.com product summary:

The Cruz to the Future book is a non-partisan, fact-driven view of how Texas Sen. Rafael Edward Ted Cruz became a U.S. senator and details, through his quotes and public information his ideas for what he believes will help America grow.

Because the words that come to mind when you think of Rafael Cruz are “non-partisan” and “fact-driven.”

It’s the perfect gift for the kid who has everything except unfiltered access to information. Please visit the Amazon page and for the love of all that’s holy, take time to look at the pictures. You have to look at the pictures.

 

Posted in Uncategorized

Federal aid should only go affluent, rural white people

This Food Stamp/Ag Aid article from the New York Times starts with a zinger and revs up from there. The debate over the Farm Bill is the Republican dilemma in microcosm:

Thomas Bond, a cotton grower whose onetime 8,500-acre partnership of farms received $4 million in federal subsidies in the last seven years, thinks that many residents in the surrounding Mississippi Delta need food stamps. But he says the program is too big and rife with fraud.

“There are a lot of people on food stamps who shouldn’t be,” Mr. Bond said in a recent interview at the Yazoo Country Club. “They could be working, but don’t.”

Posted in Uncategorized

When Science Discovered God

Spiral Galaxy NGC 1232If researchers discovered evidence of a God, would they recognize what they had found? After all, no one is likely to peer into a telescope and find a bearded deity staring back. When scientists find clear proof of some reality, some being beyond the boundaries of our material universe will it even matter?

These questions are important because such discoveries have already happened and have been repeated over and over again for decades. Physicists have been wrestling with evidence of the “supernatural” for almost a century. Ask a physicist whether they have found God and they will generally deny it, but they probably won’t laugh.

The problem, if you wish to see it as such, begins at the origins of quantum theory and continues through decades of experiments and mathematical models. When working at the most precise, sub-atomic levels, some external factor seems to skew measurements.

Heisenberg described this problem in 1927 and it came to be called the Uncertainty Principle. Efforts to measure the speed and position of a particle produced a strange result. Only one or the other dimension could be successfully measured, never both. It was as if the act of measurement itself was introducing an additional factor in the process, skewing the outcome.

In its simplest summary, he described it this way: “The more precisely the position is determined, the less precisely the momentum is known in this instant, and vice versa.”

Arcane challenges that frustrate efforts to measure sub-atomic particles may not seem like a religious question, but Heisenberg recognized the implications of his discovery from the beginning. Since the Enlightenment, science has proceeded under the assumption that everything which is real is quantifiable. Reality is fixed. Everything real possesses an existence independent of our experience or observation of it. If a tree falls in the forest, it does indeed make a sound.

Human beings therefore may be complex, but we are the sum of our parts. Nothing real is “super”-natural. Every real phenomenon can, with some degree of scientific effort, be subjected to analysis. Choose any esoteric experience you like, from love to beauty to pain, and it can, with sufficient scientific effort, be reduced to a collection of spinning atoms.

Heisenberg’s research suggested the opposite; that forces outside our measurable, quantifiable, physical existence were not only real, but were capable of interacting with the physical universe in an empirically measurable way. While profound, the discovery did not create a lot of theists. It merely served as a challenge, inspiring physicists and cosmologists to dig deeper in search of physical explanations for this phenomenon.

Fast forward a century and cosmology is undoubtedly farther from a scientific solution to the challenges of quantum mechanics than ever. In fact, one could argue that the effort to find such a solution has been almost entirely abandoned.

The science is settled. Our universe has origins beyond the measurable bounds of our existence and forces outside the quantifiable universe influence quantum phenomena. Decades of discoveries in physics have taken us farther from the comfortable assumptions of Newtonian science into a world of permanent, unresolvable uncertainty.

Scientists generally assume that when faced with strange phenomena, a process of quantification and experiment will in time resolve the question in favor of a physical explanation. When it comes to the forces that created the universe and govern action at the sub-atomic level, that process is working in reverse.

The mathematical models and experimentation have given us Schrodinger’s Cat, Spooky Action at a Distance, the Observer Problem, the Many Worlds Interpretation, and String Theory. In order to preserve some semblance of belief in the quantifiable nature of the universe, we are being asked to accept the notion that there are infinite parallel existences and numerous undetectable physical dimensions. An infinite variety of other universes are coming into and out of existence all the time. Interaction with those universes brought about the Big Bang which launched our universe. All of existence may in fact be holographic data written on the core of a black hole.

Physicists, using the most sophisticated scientific methods to explore the origins of life, the universe, and everything are sounding more and more like stoned Hippies.

There is an alternative. We could apply Occam’s razor to the problem observed originally by Heisenberg. We could accept the simplest, most obvious conclusion from a century of math and experimentation in quantum mechanics – that the Newtonian idea of a contained, purely physical universe is false. Add a “God” of some sort and the math suddenly works.

When C.S. Lewis lost his wife, he compiled his thoughts into a small book called A Grief Observed. In one section he summed up the essential problem posed by a purely material approach to life:

If H. ‘is not’ then she never was. I mistook a cloud of atoms for a person. Death only reveals the vacuity that was always there. What we call the living are simply those who have not yet been unmasked. All equally bankrupt, but some not yet declared.

A God does not merely resolve a mathematical quandary; it fits with our experience and instinct. It is certainly strains the bounds of credulity less than the notion that all of existence is no more than some bubble in a celestial champagne glass.

So, have scientists found God? Quite possibly. What’s certain in light of a century of research is that atheism is a more difficult notion to support scientifically than a belief in God.

Why haven’t religious figures seized on this research? To arrive at the God-shaped hole in our understanding of the universe one must travel across long stretches of terrain deeply hostile to dogma. These discoveries confirm the Big Bang, natural selection, man’s evolutionary origins, and practically every other discovery that strict religious believers vigorously reject. Physicists may have found God, but they have not found Jesus or Allah or Siva.

What lies all around this discovery is an interpretation of the universe freighted with ambiguities. Those who look to religion for a sense of certainty will not like the God that Heisenberg tripped over. This is a God of metaphor, a disorganized, ambiguous figure perhaps better mediated by artists than by priests. Those who don’t need scientific proof of the creation story don’t need proof of God.

Do not expect to hear scientists, preachers, or prophets touting the discovery of God anytime soon. What you can expect to hear from cosmologists is an increasingly contorted line of explanations for the origin of the cosmos, explanations which cannot be subjected to experimentation and remain permanently beyond proof.

In other words, you can expect that cosmologists, in defiance of Occam’s razor, will continue to pursue one set of supernatural explanations of the universe in order to avoid settling on another simpler, more practical, but less palatable one. In that sense, scientists have found God, but we are all left to decide on our own what that means.

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Posted in Religion

Gingrich gets the RINO treatment

Newt Gingrich expressed surprise over the weekend at the ugly feedback he received over his praise of Nelson Mandela. Gingrich apparently still doesn’t understand the monster he helped to create. James Antle at The American Conservative has a great summary of Gingrich’s position and what it says about the conservative movement:

The right tends to have one of two responses to figures like Mandela abroad or Martin Luther King, Jr. at home: suggest their radicalism is more important than the struggles of the people they championed or to try to claim them as conservatives. Neither approach will do.

The lack of empathy many white conservatives feel toward communities of color may not be the only barrier between the right and minorities. But it is an important barrier.

Posted in Uncategorized

The Minimum Wage Distraction

This week the President once again rolled out the Minimum Wage Gambit. We’ve been over this ground before at the Lifer blog, but it’s worth repeating.

The proposal is pointless in practical terms since it can’t become law and wouldn’t help the economy if it did. It is only significant because of what it says about President Obama and the GOP.

Any Republican response ought to begin by acknowledging the merits of the minimum wage. While it’s true that a wage floor eliminates some jobs, that’s what it is meant to accomplish.

In extreme circumstances, people can find themselves without negotiating leverage in the wage market. A wage floor, along with the rest of the social safety net, legislates out of existence certain jobs which are inherently exploitative.

Along the way it incentivizes technological development, supporting careers in fields like computers and robotics which might not exist if the poorest in society could be starved into submission. Eliminating the wage floor entirely would do more than make the poor poorer. It would pull some of the momentum out of higher-paid industries, sucking wages downward for everyone.

While a minimum wage serves a purpose, it needs to be handled with care. An increase in the minimum wage moves the range of available careers higher up the value scale. However, if we shift it too far then lower-skill workers begin to suffer, seeing the opportunities to launch careers fade….

More from the original piece here.

The Atlantic has a great piece on the proposal:

In short, the black-and-white nature of the minimum wage debate obscures the fact that money doesn’t come from nothing. An increase in wages would require higher costs somewhere, lower incomes for the rich or larger amounts of debt. Those may be legitimate costs to bear, but we shouldn’t pretend that they aren’t an integral part of the equation. We also shouldn’t pretend that increasing the minimum wage is a good proxy for the debate over these issues.

We’d be better off starting this discussion about inequality and its consequences, the nature of a global capital system that sees capital pooling among the wealthy, and an expanding global middle class that is seeing its income increase even as affluent societies see theirs stagnate. Instead, we are left with the hollow symbolism of a minimum wage that few people actually earn, and which, if increased, will leave us no closer to addressing these issues. As the beginning of a discussion, it is welcome; as the end of one, it is one more distraction.

More of that here.

Posted in Uncategorized

The Future of the Democratic Party

For those tired of hearing me rail about the problems in the GOP, an excellent long-form piece in The Atlantic explores the history of teh Democratic Party and challenges they face:

Over the previous 12 years the party itself had steadily diminished in importance, as single-issue and single-interest groups increasingly provided votes and money directly to candidates. By 1980, for instance, government-employee and teachers-union members typically constituted one half of the delegates at Democratic national and state conventions. Pension and benefit commitments were being made at the federal, state, and local levels that kept the unions happy but clearly could not be sustained long-term. Carter had created a Department of Education as a payoff for endorsement and financial support of teachers unions, in expectation of a 1980 primary challenge from Senator Ted Kennedy. The same syndrome was afflicting both major political parties. Whether you were pro- or anti-abortion, pro- or anti-gun control, pro- or anti-trade liberalization, pro- or anti-tax-code changes and had a letterhead and political money, you used your leverage directly with officeholders. The parties themselves had been reduced to the staging of quadrennial conventions and enforcing rules for the presidential-nominating process.

There had been a time in which the two major parties had served as rallying points for policy formulation and leadership between national elections. Losing presidential nominees became “titular leaders” and spokesmen for their parties until the next election. But Republicans, following the Goldwater defeat of 1964, and Democrats, following the McGovern defeat of 1972, abandoned that tradition. Losing candidates were expected to disappear and be removed from Kremlin Wall photographs. Democrats had traditionally appointed policy councils to help formulate intra-election policy proposals. The Eisenhower-era Democratic council was particularly influential in developing proposals that would later surface in New Frontier and Great Society legislation. After 1968, however, policy formulation disappeared from either party’s official mandate. It was every elected official and candidate for himself, deriving policy ideas most often from those with an interest in them. That was, of course, before the time of the present unregulated independent committees that can use their money and muscle pretty much as they please in national and state politics.

Posted in Uncategorized

The Kids Are Alright

An entire genre has emerged around the neurotic concern that there is something wrong with “Millennials.” It’s as absurd as those concerns are in every generation, but it’s particularly galling coming from a generation of people who once refused to trust anyone over 30.

Alexandra Petri at the Washington Post has a fine answer, in her most recent post, What’s wrong with the Boomers?:

Probably it was years of being raised by parents whose idea of technology was an icebox and a washing machine. Possibly it is pride. It can’t be narcissism because you are not allowed to have narcissism if you’re over 30. (It throws the writers of trend pieces off.) I would not dare to characterize an entire population with a single adjective. That prerogative is reserved to people who write about millennials.

People often complain that what is wrong with boomers is that they are loading millennials with the burden of all kinds of debt and their nostalgic 1950s Christmas, with all the music that implies. That may be true, but before we saddle them with those labels, we should realize that this is not their fault. It is just how they were brought up: before the Internet.

My friends all report similar experiences with the boomers in their lives. “My parents used to call me at college to ask me how to turn on the TV,” my friend Queen Zygmar Of The Winds (not her real name) said.

“I came home one Christmas and found out my parents had had a DVR for like two years without realizing it,” another friend, Julio Unpleasantness (not her real name), told me.

More from that piece here.

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